SCSU SURVEY-REPORTS FOR THE FALL, 1999
ANNUAL STATEWIDE SURVEY
Last
revised 2/1/2000
Note: In the
political section the feeling thermometer charts from past years need to be
reformatted. Some graphs need to be made for the unicameral findings. Two
sections of the fall survey have a bit of analysis still remaining. These are
the sports section and the women candidate questions.
Readers who want more information such as
demographic breakdowns should contact one of the survey directors. We will do
SOME of this at no cost
Prepared
by
Dr. Stephen Frank
Dr. Steven Wagner
Dr. Michelle Kukoleca Hammes
Principal Investigators
SCSU Survey
Social Science Research Institute
College of Social Sciences
St. Cloud State University
St. Cloud, Minnesota
December 1999
I.
METHODOLOGY
II. POLITCAL
SECTION
III. SPORTS
SECTION
IV. WOMEN AND
ELECTIVE OFFICE SECTION
V. DEMOGRAPHICS
VI.
QUESTIONNAIRE
==================================================
I.
METHODOLOGY
INTRODUCTION
The SCSU Survey is an ongoing survey
research arm of the Social Science Research Institute, College of Social
Sciences, St. Cloud State University. Dr. Stephen Frank began the Survey in
1980 conducting several omnibus surveys a year of central Minnesota adults in
conjunction with his Political Science classes. The omnibus surveys are done
once a year but now have primarily a statewide focus. Drs. Steven Wagner and
Michelle Kukoleca Hammes serve as co-directors with Dr. Frank. During November
4 - 18, 1999 the SCSU Survey conducted its annual general purpose omnibus
survey of Minnesota adults. The following is a description of the methodology
used to conduct the survey.
METHODOLOGY
Directors
of the survey are Dr. Stephen Frank, SCSU Professor of Political Science, Dr.
Steven Wagner, SCSU Associate Professor of Public Administration and Dr.
Michelle Kukoleca Hammes, SCSU Assistant Professor of Political Science. Mr.
Justin Wedeking and Ms. Kim Litwinczak serve as senior supervising student
directors. Mr. Chad Schoep, Ms. Rachael Olson, Mr. James Mounts, Ms. Katie
Sawyer, Ms. Holly Dazinger and Chris Doere serve as student survey directors.
Mr. Jason Rice, a former supervising student director, provided consultation
assistance. Mr. Joe LeDuc provides technical support.
About
50 political science students conducted the actual interviews. All callers were
screened and received about five hours of training. All calls were make from
the SCSU Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing Survey Research Laboratory.
The survey software is develped by Sawtooth Software. The callers were
monitored by Mr. Justin Wedeking, Ms. Kim Litwinczak, Mr. Chad Schoep, Ms.
Rachael Olson, Mr. James Mounts, Ms. Katie Sawyer, Ms. Holly Dazinger and Drs.
Frank, Wagner and Kukoleca Hammes.. The survey was administered on Sundays
through Saturdays (not Friday) between November 4 - 18, 1999.
Several
steps were taken to ensure that the telephone sample of state adults 18 years
of age or older is representative of the state’s population. Survey Sampling,
Fairfield, Connecticut, prepared the random digit sample of telephone numbers.
Random digit dialing makes available changed, new and unlisted numbers. Drawing
numbers from a telephone book may skip as many as 20% of Minnesota households.
Within each household the particular respondent was determined in a
statistically unbiased fashion. This means that the selection process
alternated between men and women and older and younger respondents. Few
substitutions were allowed. In order to reach hard-to-get respondents, each
number was called up to ten times over different days and times and appointments
made as necessary to interview the designated respondent at her/his
convenience. Most calls were made after 4:00 pm weekdays and during the day on
Saturdays and Sundays.
The
sample consists of 602 completed interviews. In samples of 602 interviews the
sample error due to sampling and other random effects is approximately plus or
minus 3.9% at the 95% level of confidence. This means that if one were to have
drawn 20 samples of the state and administered the same instrument it would be
expected that the overall findings would be greater or lesser than 3.9% only
one time in 20.
However,
in all sample surveys there are other possible sources of error for which
precise estimates cannot be calculated. These include interviewer error,
respondent misinterpretation, and analysis errors. When analysis is made of
subsamples such as respondents who are Republican or breakdowns by variables
such as gender the sample error may be larger.
The
demographics of the sample match census and other known characteristics of the
state population very well and weighting is not necessary. Usually surveys
oversample females but not in this survey which 51% female and 49% male which
is about the state average. Other demographics such income, break down by
county, employment status, religion, political party affiliation and political
ideology are an almost exact match to the whole population.
The cooperation rate of the survey is
65%. This is several percentage points above the average for professional
marketing firms. Cooperation rate means that once an eligible household was
reached almost two-thirds of the respondents agreed to participate in the
survey. Cooperation rate is calculated by adding the number of completed calls
to the number of refusals, and dividing the number of completed calls by the
sum of completed and refusal calls. When the SCSU Survey does specialized
contract surveys a smaller, more skilled group of student interviewers are used
and the completion rate ranges from 68% to 80%. Table one shows the disposition
of all calls made during the course of the survey.
The
total survey consists of 64 variables. Additional material on the survey’s
methodology and findings are available by contacting Dr. Stephen Frank, Dr.
Steven Wagner or Dr. Michelle Kukoleca Hammes at St. Cloud State University.
II. POLITCAL
SECTION
POLITICAL LEADER FEELING THERMOMETER
EVALUATION OF GOVERNOR VENTURA
SOME OVERALL FINDINGS
Minnesotans continue to be very upbeat about the direction of the state.
Almost 7 in 10 continue to think the state is headed in the right direction.
Only 2 of 10 think the state is headed in the wrong direction.
When asked to name the single most important problem facing the state no
single problem emerges. Education (19%) and taxes (17%) are the most named
problems. Concern with crime, drugs and violence continue to decline (9%).
No single party is seen as the clear leader in dealing with problems; the
Reform Party may be gaining legitimacy.
Using the Univ. of Michigan "feeling thermometer" Minnesotans
feel very warm toward Terry Ventura and possibly Tim Penny although the latter
still lacks some name recognition. Among present office holders listed,
Governor Ventura evokes the warmest feelings while Bill Clinton and Rod Grams
slide even more into the cool of a Minnesota chill. Most of the possible
challengers to Senators Grams are not well known.
About four of ten Minnesotans (41%) would vote for Jesse Ventura again as
Governor while about the same would not vote for him (46%). About three of four
who voted for Jesse in 1998 would vote for him again.
About half (54%) of Minnesotans have a positive view (excellent or pretty
good) of Governor Ventura's performance as Governor while almost half have a
negative view (45% fair or poor).
About one in four (27%) think Governor Ventura is a breath of fresh air
while about the same (22%) think he is an embarrassment to the state.
About half think MN. media treats the Governor fairly (52%) while about
four in 10 (39%) think the media treats him too harshly. However, over half
(55%) of MN. adults do not believe the rare interviews he gives to MN.
reporters limits the information the public obtains about him governing, while
about a third believe it does limit the information received.
Minnesotans have mixed views as to whether or not the Governor is interested in promoting himself, the interests of MN. or both when he appears on national media. About one third thinks he is promoting himself, about one in 10 think he is promoting MN. while about half think he is doing both.
==================================================
FEELING THERMOMETER- (enclosed charts) The feeling thermometer is
used in a variety of academic and political surveys and is a useful measure of
political attitudes or a predisposition to respond favorably or negatively. It
is very strongly related to voter choice. Often people may lack knowledge of a
candidate’s party, ideology, and issue positions but do have a general sense if
they like the person or not and this is a key factory in voting behavior. Breakdowns
are available for age, general work status, sex, region, party, ideology,
religion, geographic region and combined household income. The best indicator
of respondent’s rating is their political party affiliation.
Some researchers believe a respondent is not perceived warmly until their ratings are into the 70’s. No one has ever been in this range in the SCSU Survey since the survey began using this measure in the 1988 statewide survey. Steve Frank believes there may be a regional explanation for this. After all, any group of citizens who regard a 30 degree Fahrenheit temperature as warm probably believe when they give a 50 this is an expression of warmth.
Introductory questions
Let us begin by asking, do you
think things in the state of Minnesota are generally going in the right
direction, or do you feel things have gotten off on the wrong track?
|
Introduction: Table 1 |
||
|
general direction of state |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Right Direction |
411 |
69 |
|
Neutral-Vol. |
55 |
9 |
|
Wrong Direction |
114 |
19 |
|
Don’t Know |
20 |
3 |
|
Total |
600 |
100 |
What do you think is the single most important
problem facing the State of Minnesota today?
|
introduction: Table 2 |
||
|
most important Problem facing the state |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Abortion |
7 |
1 |
|
Agricultural-General |
12 |
2 |
|
Agricultural-Problems of Farmers |
19 |
3 |
|
Budget/Surplus |
3 |
0 |
|
Candidate Characteristics |
1 |
0 |
|
Crime/Gangs/Violence |
55 |
9 |
|
Drugs |
7 |
1 |
|
Economic Issues-Jobs, Wages |
17 |
3 |
|
Education |
110 |
19 |
|
Environmental Issues |
11 |
2 |
|
Family Issues |
12 |
2 |
|
Gambling |
1 |
0 |
|
Issues Related to Indians |
1 |
0 |
|
Moral Issues (values) |
10 |
2 |
|
Religious Issues |
0 |
0 |
|
Politics/Politicians |
13 |
2 |
|
Poverty/Poor |
13 |
2 |
|
Senior Issues |
4 |
1 |
|
Sports Issues |
7 |
1 |
|
Taxes |
100 |
17 |
|
Welfare |
22 |
4 |
|
Jesse Ventura |
23 |
4 |
|
Other |
81 |
14 |
|
No Problem Facing the State |
9 |
2 |
|
Don’t Know |
54 |
9 |
|
Total |
592 |
100 |
Which political party, if any, do you
think can do a better job of handling the problem you have just mentioned-the
Republican Party, the Democratic Party or Reform Party?
This question was asked only of those
who gave a response to the previous question.
|
Introduction Table 3 |
||
|
best party to respond to problems |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Republican |
106 |
21 |
|
Democratic |
128 |
25 |
|
Reform |
83 |
16 |
|
Other-Volunteered |
16 |
3 |
|
Same-Volunteered |
13 |
2 |
|
Neither |
83 |
16 |
|
Don’t Know |
87 |
17 |
|
Total |
516 |
100 |
FEELING THERMOMETER AND POLITICAL LEADERS
Please think of a thermometer
that has a range of 0 to 100 degrees. I'd like you to rate your feelings toward
some of our political leaders and other people who are in the news. Ratings on
the thermometer between 50 and 100 degrees mean that you feel favorable and
warm toward the person. Ratings between 0 and 50 mean that you do not feel too
favorable toward the person. If we come to a person whose name you don't
recognize, you don't need to rate that person. Just tell me and we will move on
to the next one. If you do recognize the name, but do not feel particularly
warm or cold toward the person, you would rate the person at the 50-degree
mark.
|
THERMOMETER Table 1 |
||||
|
POLITICAL LEADER FEELING THERMOMETER |
||||
|
|
Mean
Temperature |
Num./Pct. Responding |
Number Can’t Judge |
Percentage Can’t Judge |
|
Bill Clinton |
45 |
596/99 |
6 |
1 |
|
Rod Grams |
46 |
456/76 |
146 |
24 |
|
Paul Wellstone |
50 |
545/91 |
57 |
9 |
|
Terry Ventura |
60 |
488/81 |
114 |
19 |
|
Al Gore |
47 |
568/94 |
34 |
6 |
|
Jesse Ventura |
54 |
591/98 |
11 |
2 |
|
Norm Coleman |
52 |
513/85 |
89 |
15 |
|
|
Mean
Temperature |
Num./Pct. Responding |
Number Can’t Judge |
Percentage Can’t Judge |
|
Hillary Clinton |
48 |
581/97 |
21 |
3 |
|
Tim Penny |
60 |
280/47 |
322 |
53 |
|
Michael Ciresi |
47 |
118/20 |
484 |
80 |
|
Steven Miles |
52 |
102/17 |
500 |
83 |
|
David Lillehaug |
52 |
175/29 |
427 |
71 |
|
James Gibson |
49 |
90/15 |
512 |
85 |
|
Steve Kelley |
53 |
112/19 |
490 |
81 |
QUESTIONS ABOUT GOVERNOR VENTURA
In last year's gubernatorial election,
did you vote for Ventura, Coleman, Humphrey, some other candidate or did you
not vote?
|
ventura Table 1 |
||
|
1998 GUBERNATORIAL VOTE |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Ventura |
180 |
31 |
|
Coleman |
145 |
25 |
|
Humphrey |
102 |
18 |
|
Other |
15 |
3 |
|
Did Not Vote |
127 |
22 |
|
Don’t Know |
6 |
1 |
|
Total |
575 |
100 |
|
ventura Table 2 |
||
|
1998
GUBERNATORIAL VOTE -NONVOTERS STATISTICALLY REMOVED- |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Ventura |
180 |
40 |
|
Coleman |
145 |
33 |
|
Humphrey |
102 |
23 |
|
Other |
15 |
4 |
|
Total |
442 |
100 |
Comment: Actual vote for Ventura was 37%, Coleman
34% and Humphrey 29%. It is not unusual after an election for polling research
to find a "halo" effect around the winner. That is, voters that
actually voted for a candidate that lost eventually indicate that they voted
for the winner of the election.
If the election for governor were held
again, would you vote for Ventura?
|
ventura Table 3 |
||
|
vote again for ventura |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
242 |
41 |
|
No |
277 |
46 |
|
Not Sure |
60 |
10 |
|
Don’t Know |
17 |
3 |
|
Total |
596 |
100 |
How would you rate the performance of
Jesse Ventura as Governor: excellent, pretty good, only fair or poor?
|
VENTURA Table 4 |
||
|
OVERALL EVALUATION OF VENTURA |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Excellent |
36 |
6 |
|
Pretty good |
282 |
47 |
|
Only Fair |
178 |
30 |
|
Poor |
93 |
15 |
|
Don’t Know |
12 |
2 |
|
Total |
601 |
100 |
|
VENTURA Table 5 |
||||
|
pioneer press tracking poll |
||||
|
OVERALL EVALUATION OF VENTURA |
||||
|
|
Percentages |
|||
|
|
Dec. ‘98 |
April ‘99 |
July ‘99 |
Oct. ‘99 |
|
Excellent |
14 |
12 |
11 |
7 |
|
Pretty good |
55 |
45 |
45 |
36 |
|
Only Fair |
12 |
24 |
35 |
31 |
|
Poor |
3 |
2 |
8 |
25 |
|
Don’t Know |
16 |
17 |
1 |
1 |
|
Total |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
Which of the following statements comes
closest to your point of view?
|
VENTURA Table 6 |
||
|
view of ventura |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Governor Ventura is a needed breath of fresh air in state government |
162 |
27 |
|
Governor Ventura is he an embarrassment to the state |
130 |
22 |
|
It is too soon to judge Governor Ventura’s performance |
222 |
37 |
|
None of the Above |
80 |
13 |
|
Don’t Know |
7 |
1 |
|
Total |
601 |
100 |
Comment: The St. Paul Pioneer Press reported
in October, 1999 that 30% of respondents in a poll they commissioned suggested
that Ventura is a "breath of fresh air", 43% said he is an
"embarrassment", 20% said it is "too soon to judge" and 7%
said he is a breath of fresh air, an embarrassment or neither.
Do you think Governor Ventura is
interested in promoting himself, the interests of Minnesota or both when he
grants interviews to national magazines and appears on national television
talks and news shows?
|
VENTURA Table 7 |
||
|
ventura and the national media |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Promoting himself |
197 |
33 |
|
Promoting Minnesota |
53 |
9 |
|
Both |
322 |
54 |
|
Not Sure |
10 |
2 |
|
Don’t Know |
14 |
2 |
|
Total |
596 |
100 |
Do you think the local media have been
too harsh on Governor Ventura or have they treated Governor Ventura fairly?
|
VENTURA Table 8 |
||
|
how media has treated ventura |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Too harsh on Governor Ventura |
235 |
39 |
|
Treating Governor Ventura fairly |
315 |
52 |
|
Not Sure |
34 |
6 |
|
Don’t Know |
16 |
3 |
|
Total |
600 |
100 |
Governor Ventura rarely grants interviews
with Minnesota reporters or journalists. Do think this limits the amount of
information the public obtains about how Ventura is governing?
|
VENTURA Table 9 |
||
|
lack of information due to few local interviews |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
215 |
36 |
|
No |
327 |
55 |
|
Not Sure |
28 |
5 |
|
Don’t Know |
25 |
4 |
|
Total |
595 |
100 |
UNICAMERAL
VERSUS BICAMERAL LEGISLATURE
These questions are intended to gather
public opinion about most of, if not all, the assertions made by the proponents
of a unicameral legislature. All questions were subject to cross tabulation
analysis. We examined response distribution for differences based on who the
respondents voted for in last year’s gubernatorial election, party affiliation,
ideology and the extent of power the respondents would like to see the
legislature have in the future.
The party affiliation categories are
combined party categories. We combined respondents who always vote Democratic
and sometimes vote Democratic into a single DFL Party category. We combined
independent but closer to Democrats, independent and independent but closer to
Republican into a single independent category. We also combined sometime vote
Republican and always vote Republican into a single Republican category. We
declared other party affiliation, apolitical and don’t know responses missing
for purposes of the cross tabulation analysis. The ideological categories are
combined from how the information was gathered. We combined very liberal and
somewhat liberal into a single liberal category and we combined very
conservative and somewhat conservative into a single conservative category.
We looked for one question/issue that
might be the most altered by the change from a two to one chamber legislature
and also might have the most influence on the legislature. The question we
decided that had the most influence is whether the respondents want the
legislature to have more, the same or less power among the three branches of
government in the future.
Unicameral Assertion One:
A bicameral legislature is no longer
necessary for representational purposes. Federal courts require the election of
members of both houses from equal population districts. Thus, the two chambers
no longer are justified on representational grounds.
Bicameral Response One:
Indeed, house districts and senate
districts are now based on population. A senator, however, represents a larger,
more diverse population and a house member represents a more cohesive
constituency. Thus, a two chamber legislature may remain necessary if house and
senate districts differ. Regardless, a two chamber legislature ensure each
person in Minnesota has two legislators in St. Paul. The following question was
constructed to seek citizen view on whether a bicameral legislature is no
longer necessary for representational purposes.
Currently, each person in Minnesota
has two elected representatives representing them in the Minnesota legislature,
one member of the house and one senator. Do you personally think this gives you
better or worse representation than if you only had one representative?
|
unicameral Table 1 |
||
|
Two vs. one Representative |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Better With Two |
388 |
67 |
|
Worse With One |
95 |
16 |
|
Don’t Know |
100 |
17 |
|
Total |
583 |
100 |
The data clearly
shows that Minnesotans are of the opinion they have better representation with
two legislators than they might with one legislator. The cross tabulation
analysis shows no differences among those that voted for Ventura, Coleman or
Humphrey in 1998. We found no differences between liberals, moderates or
conservatives. We found slight distribution differences on this question when
we controlled for party affiliation. Reform Party identifiers were less likely
(50%) to favor better representation with two legislators than were DFLers
(75%), Republicans (67%) or independent (60%). Conversely, Reformers are more
likely (31%) to claim that two representatives are worse than one than are
DFLers (14%), Republicans (18%) or independent (19%) identifiers. We find it
plausible that Reform Party identifiers are taking their cue from Governor
Ventura, who is an ardent support of a unicameral legislature.
The proponents
of a single house legislature argue that a one chamber legislature will
increase the power of the legislative branch in the three branch system of
government. The data suggests that those respondents the prefer a more powerful
legislature also prefer two representatives in that legislature. Unicameral
Table 2 shows the results of this cross tabulation.
|
unicameral Table 2 |
|||
|
cross
tabulation view of future leg. by two vs. one Rep. |
|||
|
Column Pct. |
View of Legislature |
||
|
Two vs. One Rep. |
Powerful |
Same |
Weaker |
|
Better With Two |
74% |
70% |
53% |
|
Worse With Two |
15% |
16% |
25% |
|
Don’t Know |
11% |
14% |
22% |
|
Total |
100% |
100% |
100 |
Unicameral Assertion Two:
The supporters of a unicameral
legislature argue a one chamber legislature will be more accessible and
responsive to the citizenry. These objectives would be accomplished because how
a one chamber functions is easy to comprehend and thus, one, more accessible
and, two, easier to participate in legislative activity. Further, because a
single legislature would be almost transparent, opportunities for professional
lobbyist who know how to play "inside ball" would not have an
advantage over less organized and less moneyed citizen groups. A unicameral
legislature favors the easy formation of majorities and are able to influence
legislation without the interference of special or minority interests.
Bicameral Response Two:
Those that support a unicameral legislature
assume the average Minnesotan finds the current two chamber Minnesota
legislature too difficult to comprehend and thus unable to follow the lawmaking
process. This notion is tested in a variety of ways by the following 11
questions. This section is labeled "Questions about Minnesotans knowledge
of their legislature".
The supporters of a unicameral
legislature additionally argue the role of professional lobbyist will be
diminished in a one chamber legislature. The role of the professional lobbyist
is not necessarily dependent on a one or two chamber legislature. The role of
the lobbyist may depend more on customs, traditions and legislative practices.
It is possible that a one chamber legislature offers an easier work environment
for the professional lobbyist. Regardless, the anticipated role of lobbyist in
a one chamber legislature is examined in the 12th question listed
under this assertion. This section is labeled "Anticipated Role of
Lobbyist in a One House Legislature".
Finally, a legislature constructed to
favor majority rule may indeed be able to ignore minority or special interests.
At the same time, it might be equally important that a "good"
legislature is one that structurally includes minority interests in debate and
decision making. This notion is tested in the 13th question of this
section. This section is labeled "Bicameralism and the Protection of
Rights".
Questions
about Minnesotans knowledge of their legislature
Are you personally very aware, aware, unaware,
or very unaware of the debate about changing the Minnesota legislature from
bicameral to unicameral?
|
unicameral Table 3 |
||
|
aware of change debate |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Very Aware |
76 |
13 |
|
Aware |
300 |
50 |
|
Unaware |
126 |
21 |
|
Very Unaware |
84 |
14 |
|
Don't Know |
9 |
2 |
|
Total |
595 |
100 |
The data shows a full one-third of
Minnesotans claim to be aware of the debate about changing the legislature. We
suggest that this implies that Minnesotans are much better informed about the
legislature than the proponents of a unicameral legislature suggest. The cross
tabulation analysis adds very little to the analysis of this question. We would
note that those respondents who voted for Humphrey (20%) and Coleman (18%) last
year are twice as likely to be very aware of the debate than are Ventura voters
(8%), but Ventura voters are only slightly more unaware of very unaware (25%
and 14%, respectively) of the debate compared to Coleman (11% and 10%,
respectively) and Humphrey voters (18% and 12% respectively). In terms of party
affiliation, DFLers (15%), Republicans (13%) and Independent (15%) identifiers
are about three times more likely to be very aware of the debate than are
Reform Party (4%) identifiers. No other distribution differences by party
exist. We also could not find any differences between ideology.
In terms of the future power position of
the legislature, the only differences we found were those respondents that want
a more powerful legislature in the future are less (39%) aware of the debate
than are those that want the legislature the stay the same (58%) and those that
want it weaker (50%). Also, those that want a more powerful future legislature
are more likely to be unaware of the debate (32%) than are those that want the
legislature to stay the same (19%) and those that want it weaker (16%).
Are you personally very
familiar, familiar, unfamiliar or very unfamiliar with how the state
legislature functions?
|
unicameral Table 4 |
||
|
familiarity with legislature |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Very familiar |
72 |
12 |
|
Familiar |
340 |
57 |
|
Unfamiliar |
149 |
25 |
|
Very Unfamiliar |
32 |
5 |
|
Don’t Know |
4 |
1 |
|
Total |
597 |
100 |
Over two-thirds of the respondents claim
to be familiar with how the legislature functions. The assertion that a two
chamber legislature should be replaced with a simpler, more readily
understandable one chamber legislature is not supported with this data.
Minnesotans claim to know how the legislature functions. The cross tabulation
analysis shows that previous gubernatorial vote, party, ideology and future
power of the legislature make no difference for how familiar or unfamiliar a
respondent is about how the legislature functions.
How many members are there in the
Minnesota State Legislature?
|
unicameral Table 5 |
||
|
size of legislature |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
201 |
2 |
0 |
|
Other:25-over 597 |
140 |
23 |
|
Don’t Know |
455 |
77 |
|
Total |
595 |
100 |
It is obvious that almost no one we
interviewed knew the size of the two chamber legislature. We do not think this
finding supports the assertion that the two chamber legislature should be
replaced. At the time this question was written, only one of the three
principal investigators knew the exact number of legislators in the two
chambers, and all three principal investigators have doctoral degrees in
political science. Similar to the previous question, cross tabulation analysis
adds nothing of particular value to the analysis of this question.
Who is the Speaker of the Minnesota
House of Representatives? Is it Tom Pugh, Roger Moe, Steve Sviggum, Dick Day or
Dark Starr?
|
unicameral Table 6 |
||
|
speaker of the house |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Tom Pugh |
12 |
2 |
|
Roger Moe |
180 |
30 |
|
Steven Sviggum |
152 |
26 |
|
Dick Day |
1 |
0 |
|
Dark Starr |
5 |
1 |
|
Don’t Know |
244 |
41 |
|
Total |
594 |
100 |
Although only 25% identified Steven
Sviggum as the Speaker of the House, we suggest that is pretty good. As a
matter of fact, only 40% of Coleman voters identified Swiggum and only 33% of
Republican identifiers (same as Independent Party identifiers) picked Sviggum
from the list. We found no differences based on ideology nor on the future role
of the legislature.
Who is the Senate Majority Leader? Is
it Dick Day, Roger Moe, Steve Sviggum, Tom Pugh, or Tom Benard?
|
unicameral Table 7 |
||
|
senate majority leader |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Dick Day |
10 |
2 |
|
Roger Moe |
195 |
33 |
|
Steven Sviggum |
57 |
10 |
|
Tom Pugh |
7 |
1 |
|
Tom Benard |
11 |
2 |
|
Don’t Know |
314 |
52 |
|
Total |
594 |
100 |
In regards to
identifying the Senate Majority Leader, Roger Moe, one-third of the respondents
answered correctly. Similar to the conclusion we noted about the House Speaker,
we suggest that if one-third of Minnesotans are able to identify the Senate
Leader, the population is reasonably well informed. Ventura voters (34%)
identified Roger Moe a little less than did Coleman (41%) and Humphrey (42%)
voters. It is interesting that Coleman and Humphrey voters picked Moe at almost
the same frequency. Republican (40%) voters identified Moe more often than both
DFL (32%), independent (34%) and Reform Party (19%) voters. Ideology offers no
useful insights. Although not significant, those that would like to see a
weaker state legislature were more slightly more likely to pick Moe more than those
that would like to see a stable legislature or a more powerful legislature.
Do you find that the current two
chamber Minnesota state legislature makes it very difficult, difficult or not
difficult for you personally to follow the lawmaking process?
|
unicameral Table 8 |
||
|
ability to follow lawmaking |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Very Difficult |
45 |
8 |
|
Difficult |
247 |
42 |
|
Not Difficult |
201 |
34 |
|
Don’t Know |
97 |
16 |
|
Total |
590 |
100 |
One-half of the respondents find the lawmaking
process difficult to follow. The rules of any legislature are often difficult
to understand and every legislature that we are aware of holds training
sessions for newly elected legislators. Thus, we are not surprised to find that
one-half of our respondents are of the opinion that the lawmaking process is
difficult to understand. It is equally important to note that one-third of the
respondents do not find the lawmaking process difficult to understand. The data
is beginning to show that one-third of Minnesota adults claim to be well
informed about the legislature.
Cross tabulation analysis shows that
Ventura voters (11%) are twice as likely as Coleman (6%) and Humphrey (6%)
voters to find the lawmaking process very difficult to follow. More, but not
twice the percentage, of Coleman (38%) and Humphrey (45%) voters find the
lawmaking process not difficult to understand compared to Ventura (28%) voters.
Slightly fewer Coleman (38%) and Humphrey (41%) voters find the lawmaking
process difficult to follow compared to Ventura (48%) voters. In terms of party
identification, slightly more Reform Party (62%) identifiers than Republicans
(59%), DFLers (45%) or independents (59%) find the lawmaking process very
difficult or difficult to follow. The only differences we found in terms of
ideology is that moderates (47%) and conservatives (43%) seem to find it more
difficult than liberals (34%) to follow the lawmaking process. Those
respondents who would like to see the legislature stay the same in terms of
power, do not find the lawmaking process as difficult to follow as those that
would like the legislature be more power or less powerful. Those that would
like to see the legislature weakened indicated that they do not find the
legislative process difficult to follow at about one-half the rate (19%) as
those that want to keep legislative power about the same (41%).
Would it be less difficult for you
personally to follow the lawmaking process if there was only a one chamber
legislature?
This question was asked only of those
who either responded very difficult or difficult to the previous question.
|
unicameral Table 9 |
||
|
follow better with one house |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
212 |
73 |
|
No |
44 |
15 |
|
Don’t Know |
34 |
12 |
|
Total |
290 |
100 |
As we expected, those that find the two
chamber difficult to understand are of the opinion that one house would be
easier to comprehend. Indeed, if a one chamber legislature is smaller and more
transparent, it should be easier to understand and follow the lawmaking
process.
Do you personally find that the
current two chamber Minnesota state legislature makes it very difficult,
difficult, or not difficult for you to contact your legislators?
|
unicameral Table 10 |
||
|
contact legislators |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Very Difficult |
25 |
4 |
|
Difficult |
87 |
15 |
|
Not Difficult |
323 |
55 |
|
Don’t Know |
158 |
26 |
|
Total |
593 |
100 |
Only approximately 20% of our respondents
are of the opinion that the two chamber legislature makes it difficult for them
to contact their legislators. Of the remainder, 55%, do not find that the two
chamber legislature is a barrier to contacting their legislators and 25% do not
know if the two chamber legislature is a barrier. Clearly, the data from this
question would not support a radical change to the Minnesota Legislature.
The cross tabulation analysis shows the
Coleman and Humphrey voters are about 20% more likely (69% and 73%,
respectively) than Ventura voters to find it not difficult to contact their
legislators. Ventura voters are twice as likely (29%) to not know if it is
difficult or not difficult to contact their legislators than are Coleman (17%)
or Humphrey (12%) voters. Ventura voters find it slightly more difficult or
very difficult to contact their legislators than Coleman and Humphrey voters.
Reform Party identifiers are about twice as likely to find it difficult (27%)
to contact their legislators than DLFers (11%), Republicans (12%) and
Independents (18%). Equally, DFLers (58%), Republicans (60%) and Independents
(60%) are much more likely to not find it difficult to contact their
legislators compared to Reform Party (23%) identifiers.
In terms of ideology, the only
differences shown by the cross tabulation analysis is that conservatives are
twice (6%) as likely to find it very difficult to contact their legislators
compared to liberals (3%) and moderates (3%). We only found one difference when
we examined the future of the legislature to this question. Those that want the
legislature to stay the same are about 20% higher in the not difficult to
contact legislator category than those that want either a more powerful or
weaker future legislators.
Would it be less difficult for you personally
to contact your legislators if there was only a one chamber legislature?
This question was asked only of those
who either responded very difficult or difficult to the previous question.
|
unicameral Table 11 |
||
|
contact better with one house |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
64 |
58 |
|
No |
24 |
21 |
|
Don’t Know |
24 |
21 |
|
Total |
112 |
100 |
Do you find the current two chamber
Minnesota state legislature discourages citizen participation?
|
unicameral Table 12 |
||
|
two house hurt citizen participation |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes-Hurt |
147 |
25 |
|
No-Hurt |
302 |
51 |
|
Don’t Know |
143 |
24 |
|
Total |
592 |
100 |
Only 25% of the respondents are of the opinion
that the two chamber legislature hinders their civic participation. Again,
support to drastically alter the structure of the Minnesota Legislature is
absent.
Unicameral Table 13 clearly shows that
Humphrey voters, compared to Coleman and Ventura voters, do not think the two
chamber legislature hurts their ability to participate. One-half of the Ventura
voters think the two chamber legislature harms their ability to participate.
One-third think the two chambers are harmful to participation and one-fourth do
not know if the two chambers have a positive or negative influence on
participation.
The cross tabulation results of political
party affiliation and ideology show no differences. Those that would like to
see a weaker legislature in the future are more likely to believe the current
two chamber legislators harms participation. Those that would like to keep the
existing balance of power among the branches of state government are more
likely to believe the two chamber legislator does not harm participation.
|
unicameral Table 13 |
|||
|
cross
tabulation Gov. vote by two houses hurt participation |
|||
|
Column Pct. |
Gubernatorial Vote |
||
|
|
Ventura |
Coleman |
Humphrey |
|
Yes-Hurt |
30% |
25% |
18% |
|
No-Hurt |
46% |
60% |
66% |
|
Don’t Know |
24% |
15% |
16% |
|
Total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
Would a one chamber better encourage
citizen participation?
|
unicameral Table 14 |
||
|
one house helps participation |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
192 |
32 |
|
No |
212 |
36 |
|
Don’t Know |
186 |
32 |
|
Total |
590 |
100 |
When we asked all respondents if a one
chamber legislature would help boost civic participation, only one-third
answered yes. The table above, coupled with Table 12, offers little evidence to
support a change in the Minnesota Legislature. In terms of cross tabulation,
Ventura voters (40%) are much more likely to suggest a one chamber legislature
is better for participation than are Coleman (25%) and Humphrey (26%) voters.
Conversely, Coleman and Humphrey voters are almost twice as likely to suggest
that a one house legislature will not enhance participation. Reform Party (56%)
identifiers are more to think a one chamber legislator will help participation
than DFLers (32%), Independents (30%), and Republicans (32%). Conversely, a
greater percentage of DFLers, Republicans, and Independents do not think a one
house will enhance participation compared to Reform Party identifiers.
Moderates (34%) and Conservatives (35%)
are more likely to think a one house will help participation more so than do
liberals (28%). Equally important, at least one-third of liberals, moderates
and conservatives do not think a one chamber legislature will enhance
participation. In terms of the future power of the legislature, those that
would like the power balance to remain the same are less likely (about twice)
to suggest a one chamber will enhance participation. Almost one-half the
percentage of weaker and more powerful legislature respondents than stay the
same respondents suggest a one house legislature will not help participation.
Overall, how do you rate the
performance of the Minnesota state legislature? Is it excellent, pretty good,
fair or poor?
|
unicameral Table 15 |
||
|
rating of legislature |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Excellent |
9 |
1 |
|
Pretty good |
263 |
44 |
|
Only fair |
242 |
41 |
|
Poor |
47 |
8 |
|
Don’t Know |
34 |
6 |
|
Total |
595 |
100 |
If the proponents of a one chamber legislature
seek to change the legislature to enhance how Minnesotans evaluate the work of
the legislature, we are unsure if the effort is required. Nearly one-half of
our respondents are of the opinion that their legislature performs at the
excellent or pretty good level. Table 16 shows the distribution (percentages
only) of party affiliation. Table 17 shows the cross tabulation analysis
(percentages only) of three of the independent variables. The data clearly
shows that Humphrey voters, DFLers, liberals, and those that want the balance
of power among the three branches of government left the same, evaluate the job
of the legislature higher than all other groups we examined.
|
unicameral Table 16 |
||||
|
cross
tabulation Various Ind. var. and Leg. rating |
||||
|
|
Percentages |
|||
|
Leg. Rating |
DFL |
Ind. |
Rep. |
Reform |
|
Exc./Pretty Good |
58% |
48% |
37% |
315 |
|
Only Fair/Poor |
37% |
46% |
605 |
69% |
|
Don’t Know |
5% |
6% |
35 |
0% |
|
Total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
100% |
|
unicameral Table 17 |
|||
|
cross
tabulation Various Ind. var. and Leg. rating |
|||
|
Column Pct. |
Gubernatorial Vote |
||
|
Leg. Rating |
Ventura |
Coleman |
Humphrey |
|
Exc./Pretty Good |
43% |
46% |
62% |
|
Only Fair/Poor |
52% |
52% |
36% |
|
Don’t Know |
5% |
2% |
2% |
|
Total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
|
|
Ideology |
||
|
Leg. Rating |
Liberal |
Moderate |
Conservative |
|
Exc./Pretty Good |
55% |
46% |
40% |
|
Only Fair/Poor |
41% |
49% |
56% |
|
Don’t Know |
4% |
5% |
4% |
|
Total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
|
|
Future of Legislature |
||
|
Leg. Rating |
Powerful |
Same |
Weaker |
|
Exc./Pretty Good |
45% |
52% |
30% |
|
Only Fair/Poor |
50% |
45% |
70% |
|
Don’t Know |
5% |
3% |
0% |
|
Total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
Anticipated
Role of Lobbyist in a One House Legislature
If Minnesota had a one chamber
legislature, do you think lobbyists would have more, the same or less role in
the lawmaking process?
|
unicameral Table 18 |
||
|
role of lobbyist in one house |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
More |
185 |
31 |
|
The Same |
145 |
25 |
|
Less |
150 |
26 |
|
Don’t Know |
109 |
18 |
|
Total |
589 |
100 |
The data clearly shows only one in four
Minnesotans think a one chamber legislature will reduce the role of lobbyists in
the lawmaking process. A larger percentage, 31%, noted that the role of
lobbyists would increase in a one chamber legislature!
The cross tabulation (see Unicameral
Table 19) shows that the distribution of Ventura and Coleman voters is almost
equal in the three-more, same, less-response categories. Only with the Humphrey
voters do we see large differences. Humphrey voters are of the opinion that a
one chamber legislature will increase, not decease, the role of lobbyists.
Ideology and party affiliation offers little assistance in understanding the
distribution of opinion on this question. Across party categories, we find no
differences. Within the DFL Party, however, a larger portion of respondents
think the role of lobbyists will increase, not stay the same or decrease.
Within the independent category, Republican Party and Reform Party, about
one-fourth to one-third of the respondents equally fall into the question
response categories. In terms of the distribution of responses within the three
ideological categories, about one-fourth to one-third of the responses fall
into the question response categories. Across response categories, liberals,
more than moderates and conservatives, are of the opinion that the role of
lobbyists will increase in a one house legislature.
|
unicameral Table 19 |
|||
|
cross
tabulation Gov. vote by role of lobbyist in one house |
|||
|
Column Pct. |
Gubernatorial Vote |
||
|
Role Lobbyist |
Ventura |
Coleman |
Humphrey |
|
More |
45% |
31% |
38% |
|
Same |
29% |
27% |
23% |
|
Less |
33% |
25% |
19% |
|
Don’t Know |
13% |
17% |
21% |
|
Total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
|
|
|
||
|
Column Pct. |
Future Power of Legislature |
||
|
Role Lobbyist |
|
|
|
|
More |
44% |
32% |
20% |
|
Same |
16% |
27% |
29% |
|
Less |
22% |
25% |
36% |
|
Don’t Know |
18% |
15% |
15% |
|
Total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
Bicameralism
and the Protection of Rights
Do you think the two chamber
legislature in Minnesota helps to protect the rights of all Minnesotans?
|
unicameral Table 20 |
||
|
two houses protect rights |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
320 |
54 |
|
No |
152 |
26 |
|
Don’t Know |
116 |
20 |
|
Total |
588 |
100 |
Over half of our respondents are of the
opinion that a two house legislature protects the rights of Minnesotans. The
assertion that a one house better protects the rights of the citizens is not
well support by a majority of the respondents. In many respects, a two chamber
legislature is structured to ensure one house is able to check the work of the
other house. Thus, if one house tries to pass a law trampling on the rights of
a minority, however the minority is defined, the second house could
theoretically stop the effort by not passing the law and consequently sending
it to the governor.
The cross tabulation analysis shows that
Ventura, Coleman and Humphrey voters all support the notion that a two chamber
legislature protect citizen rights. Humphrey voters (67%) have a stronger felt
opinion than do Coleman voters (56%), who have a stronger opinion than Ventura
voters (48%) of the notion that a two house legislature protects the rights of
all Minnesotans. In terms of party affiliation, DFLers (65%) are strongest,
followed by Reform Party (62%), with Republicans (53%) in third and
independents (45%) fourth in terms of strength of support for the two houses
and how they might protect citizen rights. Over one-half of liberal (58%),
moderates (54%) and conservatives (54%) support the notion that two houses
protect citizen rights better than one house. Those respondents that support a
more powerful legislature in the future also support (63%) the idea that two
houses protect citizen rights. Of those that wish to see the legislative branch
maintain its current power, 59% are of the opinion that two houses protect
citizen rights. Of those that wish to see the legislative branch weaker in the
future, only 37% think the two chamber legislature protects citizen rights.
Unicameral Assertion Three:
The proponents of a Minnesota unicameral
legislature argue that a one chamber lawmaking body is more accountable to the
citizenry because one house makes it is easier to fix responsibility for
decisions. In particular, unicameral supporters argue accountability is greatly
enhanced because a one chamber legislature will eliminate the need for conference
committees.
Bicameral Response Three:
If a legislator desires to evade responsibility, it is equally
possible to do so in a one chamber legislature as it is in two. Perhaps the
tactics of "playing the game" will change. A legislator will not be
able to propose a bill in his/her house, knowing it will not be supported in
the other chamber. The notion that the two chamber legislature makes it
difficult for citizens to hold their legislators accountable is tested by the
first two questions in this section.
Clearly, a one chamber legislature would
eliminate the need to create conference committees that have the purpose of
"ironing out" differences of bills passed by the house and senate.
The key issue seems to be regarding the concentration of power. The proponents
of a unicameral legislature argue assert that the conference committees
concentrate power to decide important legislative matters in the hands of a few
members. The third question in this section examines whether Minnesotans think
the elimination of conference committees will reduce or eliminate the power of
making important decisions in the hands of a few.
Do you personally think the current
two chamber Minnesota state legislature makes it very difficult, difficult, or
not difficult for you to hold your legislators accountable for their decisions?
|
unicameral Table 21 |
||
|
hold legislators accountable |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Very Difficult |
69 |
12 |
|
Difficult |
208 |
35 |
|
Not Difficult |
209 |
35 |
|
Don’t Know |
104 |
18 |
|
Total |
590 |
100 |
Almost a majority (47%) think the two
chamber legislature makes it very difficult or difficult to hold individual
legislators accountable for their actions. A long term legislator told the
principal investigators that if a politician is good at only one thing, that
one thing is shifting responsibility. It seems that our respondents are aware
of this phenomenon. The same legislator also told us that it would not make a
difference if a legislature is consists of one or two chambers. If someone
wants to shift responsibility, it will be accomplished in one house as easily
as two. Nonetheless, one-half of Humphrey voters believe is not difficult to
hold legislators accountable in a two chamber legislature. Ventura voters
overwhelmingly (59%) find it very difficult or difficult to hold legislators
accountable in the two chamber legislature. Of the Coleman voters, 46% believe
it is very difficult or difficult to hold legislators accountable in a two
chamber legislature and 40% think that it is not difficult.
In terms of political party affiliation,
57% of Reform Party identifiers find it very difficult or difficult to hold
their legislators accountable. This compares with Republicans (52%),
independents (50%) and DFLers (40%). Ideology plays a role in the perception of
holding legislators accountable. Fifty percent of conservatives are of the
opinion that a two chamber legislature makes it very difficult or difficult to
hold individual legislators accountable. The percent drops to 49% for moderates
and 42% for liberals. Sixty percent of "weak" future legislature
respondents find it very difficult or difficult to hold legislators accountable
in a two chamber legislature. Only 35% of "about the same" future
legislature respondents find that the two chamber legislature makes it very
difficult or difficult to hold legislators responsible. A little more than a
majority (53%) of those that would like a more powerful legislature in the
future find it very difficult or difficult to hold individual legislators
accountable in a two chamber legislature.
Would it be less difficult if there
was only a one chamber legislature?
This question was asked only of those
who either responded very difficult or difficult to the previous question.
|
unicameral Table 22 |
||
|
accountability with one house |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
197 |
71 |
|
No |
56 |
20 |
|
Don’t Know |
24 |
9 |
|
Total |
277 |
100 |
Before a bill is sent to the governor for
signature into law or vetoed, it must be approved by both the House and the
Senate. If the two chambers differ on a specific bill a conference committee is
organized to iron out the difference. Some people argue these committees are
bad because they concentrate power to decide important legislative matters. In
a single chamber or unicameral legislature, there would be no need for
conference committees. Do you think this would eliminate the concentration of
power in making important?
|
unicameral Table 23 |
||
|
one house eliminates concentration of power |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
284 |
48 |
|
No |
226 |
38 |
|
Don’t Know |
79 |
14 |
|
Total |
589 |
100 |
The data shows that almost one-half of
the respondents believe a one house legislature will eliminate the
concentration of power in the hands of a few. Nonetheless, the data does not
clearly support the position of the supporters of a unicameral legislature. A
full 52% either do not think or do not know if a unicameral legislature will
eliminate elitism. Ventura’s voters are the strongest (54%) in their opinion
that a one house legislature will eliminate the concentration of power.
Coleman’s voters came in second, at 52%, and Humphrey’s voters came in third at
42%.
In terms of party affiliation, Reformers
are strongest (65%) among the party categories in the view that a one house
will eliminate concentration of power. The Republicans are second, but not even
close at 51%. Independents, in this analysis look like Republican at 49% and
DFLers are the weakest at 44% in their belief that a one house will eliminate
the concentration of power. The cross tabulation analysis found no differences
among ideological groups. About one-half of liberals, moderates and
conservatives alike think a one chamber will eliminate concentration of power,
about 40% say "no" and the remained indicated they did not know.
Unicameral Assertion Four:
The proponents of a unicameral
legislature argue that a single chamber legislature will enhance the power of
the legislature within the state governmental system. At one time, legislative
excesses were real and dangerous. The problem today, according to the
proponents of unicameralism, is no longer excessive legislative authority but
executive and bureaucratic dominance and legislative infirmity.
Bicameral Response Four:
The proponents of a bicameral legislature
argue that dividing legislative authority protects the citizenry from
inherently arrogant and dangerous legislatures. This proposition is tested in
the following three questions.
In the future, would you personally
like to see the legislature more powerful, about the same or weaker in the
lawmaking process?
|
unicameral Table 24 |
||
|
legislature more powerful |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
More Powerful |
100 |
17 |
|
The Same |
368 |
63 |
|
Weaker |
74 |
12 |
|
Don’t Know |
45 |
8 |
|
Total |
587 |
100 |
The data clearly shows that Minnesotans
are opposed to increasing the power of the legislature. One of the primary
reasons to change the current legislature from two to one chambers does not
have support among Minnesotans. If the data from this question and the next two
provide guidance to those that would like to increase or decrease the power of
the legislature or the governor in the lawmaking process, it is clear that the
existing balance of power should not be disturbed. Ventura voters, twice as
often as Coleman and Humphrey voters, indicated that they would like to see the
legislature more powerful in the future. Humphrey voters (83%) and Coleman
voters (80%) more strongly support keeping the power of the legislature the
same. Ventura’s voters came in at 69%.
Party affiliation has an interesting
influence on the distribution of opinion on this question. Reformers (23%) and
DFLers (24%) both weigh in the same in terms of preference for a more powerful
legislature; independents come in at 12% and Republicans at 17%. Sixty-five
percent of both DFLers and independents are of the opinion that the power
enjoyed by the legislature should remain the same. Reformers came in at 58% and
Republicans at 56%. Of the DFLers, only 6% would like to see a weaker
legislature. Independents and Reformers are at 15% and 17% of the Republicans
would like to see a weaker legislature in the future.
In the future, would you personally
like to see the office of the governor more powerful, about the same or weaker
in the lawmaking process?
|
unicameral Table 25 |
||
|
governor more powerful |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
More Powerful |
84 |
14 |
|
The Same |
426 |
72 |
|
Weaker |
56 |
10 |
|
Don’t Know |
22 |
4 |
|
Total |
588 |
100 |
Consistent with the analysis presented regarding
the previous question, the overwhelming number of respondents do not want any
future change in the power of the governor’s office. Clearly, if a unicameral
legislature increases the power of the legislature, one or both of the other
branches of government --executive or judicial -- most lose power. It would
appear that Minnesotans do not want the governors office to lose power. We did
not ask about the state court system.
In terms of the cross tabulation
analysis, Ventura’s voters, as expected, support increasing the power of the
governor’s office almost three times as much as do Coleman and Humphrey voters.
Consequently, a large percentage of Coleman (80%) and Humphrey (83%) voters
compared to Ventura’s voters (69%) wish the power of the governor’s office to
stay the same in the future. Interestingly, Reform Party identifiers (8%) are
weakest of the four party groups (average of 15%) to prefer a more powerful
office of governor in the future. Consequently, Reform Party identifiers (80%)
are stronger in their opinion of keeping the office of the governor the same
compared to the other (average of 74%) party groups.
In terms of ideology, conservatives are
the strongest (16%) in terms of increasing the power of the governor’s office.
Twelve percent of liberals and moderates prefer a more powerful future
governor. On average, 74% (with a spread of 5%) of conservatives, moderates and
liberals wish to see the power of the governor stay the same. The cross
tabulation of future legislative power versus the future of the governor office
is interesting and warrants a table to show the analysis.
|
unicameral Table 26 |
|||
|
cross
tabulation Leg. future Power by gov. future power |
|||
|
Column Pct. |
Legislative Future Power |
||
|
Gov. Power |
More |
Same |
Less |
|
More |
31% |
9% |
18% |
|
Same |
55% |
84% |
53% |
|
Less |
12% |
5% |
28% |
|
Don’t Know |
2% |
2% |
1% |
|
Total |
100% |
100% |
100% |
In the future, would you personally
like Minnesota state government do more, do less or do about the same as it
does now with respect to the various issues facing the state?
|
unicameral Table 27 |
||
|
future role of state gov’t |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Do More |
257 |
44 |
|
Do Less |
81 |
14 |
|
Do About The Same |
224 |
38 |
|
Don’t Know |
25 |
4 |
|
Total |
587 |
100 |
The table clearly shows that almost equal
numbers of respondents favor the state government doing more or the same in the
future. Clearly, few respondents favor a diminished role of state government in
the future. The cross tabulation analysis shows that Ventura (46%) and Humphrey
(47%) voters equally support the state government doing more. Coleman’s voters
(33%) are not as strong in their support of an expanded role of the state
government. It is not surprising the Colman’s voters would be less inclined to
see a more active state government than Humphrey’s voters. It is, however, a
surprise to see Ventura’s voters seeking an expansion of state government.
Humphrey’s voters (43%) and Coleman’s voters (41%) are stronger than Ventura’s
voters (33%) in their opinion that the state government should continue to do
tomorrow what it does today. Far fewer of Humphrey’s voters (3%) compared to
Coleman’s (23%) and Ventura’s (18%) support the state government doing less in
the future.
One-half of the DFLers and Reformers
support the state government doing more in the future. This compares to 41% of
Republicans and 38% of independents. Consistent with Humphrey voter opinions,
only 5% of DFLers wish the state to do less in the future. Whereas, 15% of
independents, 23% of Republicans and 23% of Reformers support the notion of the
state doing less in the future. Forty-two percent of DFLers and 43% of
independents think the state should do in the future what it does now. This
compares to 33% of Republicans and 23% of Reformers.
In terms of ideology, we find no
particular differences across liberals (45%), moderates (47%) or conservatives
(41%) in the "do more" category. Only 7% of liberal respondents think
the state should do less in the future. This compares to 10% of moderates and
23% of conservatives. Thirty-two percent of conservatives, 38% of moderates and
44% of liberals are of the opinion that the state should continue doing in the
future what is does now.
The cross tabulation analysis of the
future role of the legislature and the general state’s role is extremely
interesting. In terms of whether the legislature should be more powerful in the
future, 60% said the state should do more in the future, 9% said less and 31%
said the same. Those respondents who said the state legislative power should
stay the same, 43% said the state should do more, 10% said less and 44% said
about the same. Of those respondents who said the state legislature should have
less power, 28% said the state should so more, 46% said do less and 23% said do
about the same.
Unicameral Assertion Five:
The proponents of a unicameral legislature argue that a single
chamber legislature will increase the efficiency of processing legislation.
They argue that a bicameral lawmaking system, by definition is inefficient,
because most bills go through duplicate committees, two floor debates and
possibly conference committees.
Bicameral Response Five:
Efficient lawmaking is not necessarily a
positive attribute of a legislature. Wasted time, money and other resources is
something to avoid, but strict efficiency may not be the most laudable goal. It
is possible that important aspects of problems are overlooked if lawmaking
speed is the primary goal. Speedy lawmaking is best accomplished by the fewest,
perhaps one or only a few, lawmakers as possible. An autocracy, not a
democracy, is defined as rule by one. An oligarchy, not a democracy, is defined
as rule by a few. A democracy or a republic is defined as rule by the many. The
following question examines the proposition of which type of lawmaking --
speedy or deliberative -- Minnesotans prefer.
Some people argue that a single
chamber legislature favors speedy decision making? Generally, do you personally
favor speedy decision making or is a more deliberate decision making process
better in a legislature?
|
unicameral Table 28 |
||
|
speedy
vs. deliverative decision making |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Speedy |
181 |
31 |
|
Deliberate |
354 |
60 |
|
Don’t Know |
51 |
9 |
|
Total |
586 |
100 |
The data is clear. Minnesotans prefer a
more deliberative decision making process than a speedy process. Therefore,
they prefer a two chamber legislature. The cross tabulation analysis shows
almost no differences between party identifiers. Approximately 30% of Dflers,
Republicans, independents and Reformers favor speedy decision making compared
to 60% favoring a more deliberative process. The same percentage are found when
examining ideology.
In terms of future status of the
legislature, about 40% of all respondents in all three categories favors speedy
decision making compared to 50% favoring a more deliberative approach. In terms
of voters, twice the percentage of Ventura’s voters (41%) compared to
Humphreys’ (21%) favor speedy decision making. Coleman is at 31%. Fifty percent
of Ventura’s voters favor a more deliberative approach to decision making,
while 70% of Coleman voters and Humphrey voters favor a deliberative decision
making process.
Unicameral Assertion Six:
The proponents of a unicameral
legislature argue that a single chamber legislature will ensure that bills are
given thorough and exacting consideration. Because legislation would not go
through two sets of committees, floor debates, and votes, legislators need not
act quickly on bills. Thus, the legislators may act methodical and exhaustively
deliberate over each bill. This has the added attraction of ensuring that each
bill is given due consideration and therefore eliminating the need for a second
house to check the work of the first.
Bicameral Response Six:
The bicameralist, on the other hand,
argue that two houses offer a built in check, therefore, ensuring that
legislation is given thorough and thoughtful attention. Two sets of lawmakers
with different perspectives and insights ensures a high quality legislative
product due to reciprocal oversight. This proposition is tested by the
following question.
The concept of checks and balances,
that is one legislative house watching and checking the work of the other
house, is supposed to prevent one of the houses from passing laws that are not
well thought out. The concept also tends to slow the law making process down.
Do you think this concept is as necessary today as it was when the country was
founded?
|
unicameral Table 29 |
||
|
WORTH OF CHECKS AND BALANCES |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
362 |
62 |
|
No |
175 |
30 |
|
Don’t Know |
51 |
8 |
|
Total |
588 |
100 |
A one chamber legislature eliminates the internal
check that the one house has over the other house. The data clearly shows
Minnesotans are of the opinion that the time has not yet arrived that that
internal check is no longer necessary. The cross tabulation analysis shows that
Humphrey voters (68%) and Coleman voters (67%) are stronger than Ventura’s
voters (57%) in their opinion that checks and balances remain necessary. Of
party identifiers, 69% of Republicans, 65% of DFLers, 58% of independents and
only 42% of Reformers think the concept of checks and balances remains
necessary. Of the Reformers, 54% don’t think checks and balances is necessary
today. Six of ten respondents, regardless of ideology, agree that checks and
balances remain necessary today. Most of the respondents that were categorized
by view of the future of the legislature are of the opinion that checks and
balances remains an important component of the American governmental system.
Unicameral Assertion Seven:
The proponents of a unicameral
legislature argue that a single chamber legislature is more economical to
operate. The Citizen Committee for a Single-House Legislature suggests that the
change from a bicameral legislature of 201 representatives to a single chamber
of 135 representatives will save $25 million per year.
Bicameral Response Seven:
The bicameral supporters, as expected,
dispute the projected savings and assert that democracy has a cost that might
be necessary to pay. The following question inquires whether Minnesotans are
prepared to change the structure of the current legislature for a projected
savings of $25 million per year.
The proponents of a unicameral
Minnesota legislature argue a one chamber legislature of 135 lawmakers will
save the taxpayers at least $25 million dollars a year. Opponents of a
unicameral legislature dispute this figure. If indeed unicameralism does save
money, do you think this is a valid reason to change the Minnesota legislature?
|
unicameral Table 30 |
||
|
change leg. to save money |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes-Save is Valid |
218 |
37 |
|
No-Save isn’t Valid |
312 |
53 |
|
Other |
15 |
3 |
|
Don’t Know |
44 |
7 |
|
Total |
589 |
100 |
It occurs to the SCSU Survey staff that
democracy has a price tag and Minnesotans remain committed to paying to preserve
the two chamber legislature. The cross tabulation analysis shows that 40% of
Ventura’s voters, compared to 35% of Coleman’s and 33% of Humphrey’s voters are
of the opinion that saving $25 million per year is a valid reason to change the
legislature. Fifty percent of Ventura’s voters and 60% of both Coleman’s voters
and Humphrey’s voters do not think saving $25 million per year warrants
changing the legislature from two chambers to one. Reform Party members are
stronger (54%) than Ventura voters (40%) in their opinion that saving $25
million per year warrants changing the legislature. The majority of DFLers
(59%), independents (55%) and Republicans (51%) do not support changing the
legislature to save $25 million per year. Even among conservatives, 51% do not
think a $25 million per year saving is sufficient to change the legislature.
Liberals (59%) and moderates (55%) also but wish to change the legislature for
a savings of $25 million per year.
Conclusion: Two concluding questions were asked of the respondents.
First, they were asked whether they favored or opposed changing from a
bicameral legislature to a unicameral legislature or wanted more information
before deciding. Second, they were asked if the voters should have a say in
deciding to change the current Minnesota legislature.
Overall, are you in favor, opposed or
would like more information before deciding if Minnesota adopts a unicameral
legislature?
|
unicameral Table 31 |
||
|
favor, oppose or more information |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Favor |
69 |
12 |
|
Opposed |
78 |
13 |
|
Would Like More Information |
417 |
71 |
|
Don’t Know |
25 |
4 |
|
Total |
589 |
100 |
It is clear a tie exits between those
that favor and those that oppose changing from a two house to a one chamber legislature.
It is also clear that the almost three of four Minnesotans would like more
information about a unicameral legislature before making their final decision.
The cross tabulation analysis shows that Ventura voters (17%) are twice as
likely to already support changing the legislature from two to one chambers
than Humphrey voters (5%). Only slightly are Ventura voters more respective to
a one chamber legislature than are Coleman voters (13%). Fewer Ventura voters
(8%) than Coleman’s (17%) or Humphrey voters (25%) are opposed to a one chamber
legislature. Overall, most voters are asking for more information before
deciding to oppose of favor a one chamber legislature.
Consistent with voting history, Reformers
(19%) are more likely to support a one house than are Republicans (16%),
independents (13%) or DFLers (7%). Again, most respondents are looking for more
information about the differences between one and a two house legislature. We
found no differences in terms of ideology or future power of the legislature.
Should the voters have a say in
deciding to change to a unicameral legislature?
|
unicameral Table 32 |
||
|
Should voters have say in change |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
562 |
95 |
|
No |
15 |
3 |
|
Don’t Know |
12 |
2 |
|
Total |
589 |
100 |
The data clearly suggests that
Minnesotans are of the opinion that they should have a voice in deciding to
change the legislature from a bicameral to unicameral. The cross tabulation analysis
should that no particular differences exist based on recent gubernatorial vote,
party or ideology.
III. SPORTS
SECTION
It Appears No Matter How The Question(s) Are
Asked, The Minnesota Vikings are Minnesota's Favorite Professional Sports Team,
Support for the Twins Continues to Decline, and Minnesotans Are Opposed to
Helping the Twins Build A Stadium.
WHAT PROFESSIONAL SPORT SHOLD BE KEPT IN MINNESOTA
In the November, 1999 statewide SCSU Survey a scientific
random sample of 602 Minnesota adults were asked what professional sports team,
if any, they would like to keep the most in Minnesota. Over half (51%) said the
Vikings, 19% said the Twins and the rest were less than 10%. Using slightly
different wording in the 2/96 and 10/97 statewide surveys we found essentially
the same thing but support for the Twins appears to be declining.
18-34 year olds
are the age group most likely to say keep the Vikings while those 65 and older are evenly divided between
the Twins and Vikings. Gender differences are minimal.
SHOULD HENNEPIN COUNTY RESIDENTS BE ALLOWED TO VOTE FOR A
COUNTY SALES TAX TO HELD PAY FOR 2/3 THIRDS
THE COST OF A NEW TWINS STADUIM (IF NOT WHY NOT)
About two thirds of Minnesota residents (62%) would not
support allowing Hennepin County residents to be able to vote for a county
sales tax to help pay the cost of a new Twin's stadium. Support appears to be
even less in Hennepin County.
Those that oppose allowing Hennepin County residents to be able to vote for a county sales tax were asked why they were opposed. They could give multiple reasons for the choices of: opposed to taxes for professional sports; no taxes for rich owners; no taxes for rich players; don't like baseball; other; and, don't know. 38% of the reasons related to opposed to taxes for professional sports while 24% stated rich owners, 15% said taxes for rich players and 6% were related to not liking baseball. About 13% gave a variety of other reasons. There were few differences by any of the demographic groups such as age, region, party, income or other variables.
Student Director Jim Mount played a major role in the analysis of data for these findings. (1/30/2000)


CHARTS RELATING TO
SPORTS FROM PREVIOUS YEARS











IV. WOMEN AND
ELECTIVE OFFICE SECTION
V. DEMOGRAPHIC SECTION
Do you usually consider yourself to be
a Democrat, Republican, Reform or independent? (If Democrat or Republican or Reform)
Would you say that you always vote Democrat, Republican, Reform or do you
sometimes vote for a person of the other party? (If independent) Although you
are an independent, do you usually consider yourself to be closer to the
Democrats, Republicans or the Reform Party?
|
Demographic Table 1 |
||
|
PARTY AFFILIATION |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Always Vote Democratic |
47 |
8 |
|
Democrat Who Sometimes Votes For Other Party |
131 |
23 |
|
Independent Closer to Democrats |
45 |
8 |
|
Independent |
88 |
15 |
|
Independent Closer to Republicans |
40 |
7 |
|
Republican Who Sometimes Votes For Other Party |
93 |
16 |
|
Always Votes Republican |
36 |
6 |
|
Reform Party |
26 |
5 |
|
Other |
26 |
5 |
|
Apolitical |
10 |
2 |
|
Don’t Know |
30 |
5 |
|
Total |
572 |
100 |

Thinking about your own general
approach to politics, do you consider yourself very liberal, somewhat liberal,
moderate, somewhat conservative, or very conservative?
|
demographic Table 2 |
||
|
IDEOLOGY |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Very Liberal |
40 |
7 |
|
Somewhat Liberal |
123 |
21 |
|
Moderate |
186 |
32 |
|
Somewhat Conservative |
172 |
29 |
|
Very Conservative |
44 |
8 |
|
Don’t Know |
19 |
3 |
|
Total |
584 |
100 |
What age group are you? Are you…
|
demographic Table 3 |
||
|
AGE |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
18-24 |
54 |
9 |
|
25-34 |
97 |
16 |
|
35-44 |
131 |
22 |
|
45-54 |
110 |
19 |
|
55-64 |
85 |
15 |
|
65+ |
110 |
19 |
|
Don’t Know |
1 |
0 |
|
Total |
588 |
100 |
Are you working now, temporary laid
off, unemployed, retired, a household manager, a student or what? (If more than
one) What do you consider yourself primarily?
|
demographic Table 4 |
||
|
EMPLOYMENT STATUS |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Working Now |
390 |
66 |
|
Laid Off |
9 |
2 |
|
Unemployed |
10 |
2 |
|
Retired |
117 |
20 |
|
Disabled |
8 |
1 |
|
Household Manager |
29 |
5 |
|
Student |
26 |
4 |
|
Total |
589 |
100 |
What…if any…is your religious
preference? (If don’t know or no response) Well are you closer to being
Catholic, Lutheran, Baptist, Presbyterian, or something else?
|
demographic Table 6 |
||
|
religion |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Catholic |
179 |
31 |
|
Baptist |
14 |
2 |
|
Lutheran |
178 |
31 |
|
Presbyterian |
12 |
2 |
|
Methodist |
24 |
4 |
|
Episcopalian |
9 |
1 |
|
Other (Mormon, etc.) |
43 |
9 |
|
Jewish |
2 |
0 |
|
None |
63 |
11 |
|
Other |
45 |
9 |
|
Don’t Know |
3 |
0 |
|
Total |
572 |
100 |
Would you please tell me the range
which best represents the total income, before taxes, of all immediate family
members living in your household?
|
demographic Table 7 |
||
|
INCOME |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Under $10K |
23 |
4 |
|
$10 - 15K |
23 |
4 |
|
$15 -20K |
31 |
6 |
|
$20 - 25K |
27 |
5 |
|
$25 - 30K |
43 |
8 |
|
$30 - 40K |
70 |
14 |
|
$40 - 50K |
78 |
16 |
|
$50 - 100K |
161 |
32 |
|
Over $100K |
40 |
8 |
|
Don’t Know |
20 |
3 |
|
Total |
516 |
100 |
Gender. Imported from the sample
|
demographic Table 8 |
||
|
GENDER |
||
|
|
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Male |
289 |
48 |
|
Female |
213 |
52 |
|
Total |
602 |
100 |
PREVIOUS FEELING THERMOMETER
DATA NEED TO BE REFORMATTED
SCSU
SURVEY "FEELING THERMOMETER" RESULTS
Here's a different kind of question. Please
think of a thermometer that has a range of 0 to 100 degrees. Id like you to
rate your feelings toward some of our political leaders and other people who
are in the news. Ratings on the thermometer between 50 and 100 degrees mean
that you feel favorable and warm toward the person. Ratings between 0 and 50
mean that you don't feel too favorable toward the person. If we come to a
person whose name you don't recognize, you don't need to rate that
person. Just tell me and we'll move on to the next one. If you do recognize the
name, but don't feel particularly arm or cold toward the person, you would rate
the person at the 50 degree mark.
10/88 4/90 2/92 2/93
4-5/94 1/95
MEAN
N %* MEAN N %* MEAN N %* MEAN
N %* MEAN N %* MEAN N %
GEORGE BUSH 46.9
614 2% 61.3 710 1% 53.1 794 .8% -------------- ---------------------- -------------------
RONALD REAGAN 42.9
625 .2 -------- ------------------
------------- ---------------------- -------------------
GEORGE LATIMER
58.7 499 20 60.1 571 21 60.3
592 26 --------------- 58.1 455 35% 56.9 418 34%
HUBERT H.
HUMPHREY III 49.7 589 4 53.7
643 10 55.9 723 10 56.7 850 11% 57.0 599
14% 58.3 559 14
ROGER MOE 50.5 260 58 53.6
369 49 50.9 358 55 50.1 444 53 ---------------------- ------------------
ARNE CARLSON 51.9 289 53 52.6
426 41 42.3 763 5 46.5 893 6 51.6 631
9 57.3 643 2
RUDY
BOSCHWITZ 55.5 590 4 52.5
673 6 51.3 760 5 50.0 874 8 45.7 613 12 48.4 595 8
MIKE HATCH ---------------- 50.5 367 49 -----------------
---------------- 45.8 282 60 --------------------
DAVID
DURENBURGER 56.8 592 5 47.5
677 6 49.5 755 6 41.9 873 8 42.4 624 11
--------------------
DAVE PRINTY ----------------- 48.0 160 78 ------------------
-------------------- ------------ -------------------
JON GRUNSETH ----------------- 46.4 159 78 37.2 666 17
--------------------- ------------ -------------------
RUDY
PERPICH 50.2
611 2 45.3 685 4% 42.5 656 6 44.1 891 6 42.1 617 12 44.5 604 7
MICHAEL
DUKAKIS 52.4
603 3% ---------------- -----------------
------------------- ---------------------- --------------------
DEE LONG ---------------- ---------------- 51.5 221 72
49.4 333 65 --------------------- -------------------
OAN GROWE ----------------- ---------------- 53.5 596 26 54.0
662 30 ---------------------- -------------------
PAUL
WELLSTONE ---------------- ---------------- 46.8 727 9 47.6
862 8 ----------------------
47.1 606 7
VIN WEBER ---------------- ---------------- 51.8 422 47
50.5 604 36 ----------------------
-----------------------
DAVID DUKE ---------------- ---------------- 15.2 595 25%
----------------- ----------------------
----------------------
ANN WYNIA ---------------- ---------------- ----------------- 50.2 180 81 ---------------------- 42.8 569 12
BILL CLINTON ---------------- ---------------- ----------------- 59.9 931 2% 57.9 651 2 51.6 654 1
TONY BOUZA --------------- ---------------- ----------------- ------------------- 51.1 439 37% -------------------
ALLEN QUIST --------------- ---------------- ----------------- ------------------- 40.3 332
53 -------------------
MIKE FREEMAN --------------- ---------------- ----------------- ------------------- 50.7 206
71 ------------------
JOHN MARTY --------------- ---------------- ----------------- ------------------- 46.7 136
79% ------------------
ROD GRAMS --------------- ---------------- ----------------- ------------------- ---------------------- 46.5 559 14
ROBERT DOLE --------------- ---------------- ----------------- ------------------- --------------------- 49.5 563 13%
[DON'T KNOW/CAN'T JUDGE EXCLUDED FROM THE
DETERMINATION OF THE MEAN]
* % THIS FIGURE REPRESENTS THE PERCENTAGE OF
RESPONDENTS WHO SAID THEY COULDN'T JUDGE OR DIDN'T KNOW THE LISTED PERSON.
SCSU SURVEY "FEELING THERMOMETER" RESULTS
Here's a different kind of question. Please think of a thermometer that has a range of 0 to 100 degrees. Id like you to rate your feelings toward some of our political leaders and other people who are in the news. Ratings on the thermometer between 50 and 100 degrees mean that you feel favorable and warm toward the person. Ratings between 0 and 50 mean that you don't feel too favorable toward the person. If we come to a person whose name you don't recognize, you don't need to rate that person. Just tell me and we'll move on to the next one. If you do recognize the name, but don't feel particularly arm or cold toward the person, you would rate the person at the 50 degree mark.
1-2/96 % CAN’T JUDGE 10/96 % CAN’T JUDGE1 2/97 % CAN’T JUDGE
MEAN N DON’T KNOW MEAN N DON’T KNOW MEAN N
DON’T KNOW
GEORGE LATIMER 55 404 34% ----------------------- -----------------------------------
HUBERT H.
HUMPHREY III 59 564 13 ---------------------------------- 59 728 9%
ARNE CARLSON 52 616 4 52 656 6% 56 759 5%
JOANNE BENSON 51 299 53 --------------------------------- 51 420 47%
RUDY
BOSCHWITZ 46 584 8 42 659 5% ---------------------------------
BERT MCKASY 47 120 77 ---------------------------------- -----------------------
PAUL
WELLSTONE 51 596 7 48 663 5% ---------------------------------
BILL CLINTON 53 639 1 57 698 1% -----------------------
ROD GRAMS 45 558 13 43 569 18% ---------------------------------
ROBERT DOLE 44 606 6 46 680 2% ----------------------------------
NEWT GINGRICH 36 603 7 ------------------------------------ --------------------------
HILLARY CLINTON 46 630 2 ------------------------------------ -----------------------
COLIN POWELL 63 554 13 ---------------------------------- ---------------------------
ROSS PEROT ------------------------------- 36 665 65% -----------------------------------
DEAN BARKLEY ------------------------------ 41 246 64% -----------------------------------
ALLEN QUIST ------------------------------ ----------------------------------- 42 431 46%
TED MONDALE ----------------------------- ----------------------------------- 52 604 24%
MARK ANDREWS ---------------------------- ----------------------------------- 48 248 69%
MARK DAYTON ---------------------------- ----------------------------------- 50 536 33%
MIKE FREEMAN --------------------------- ----------------------------------- 50 345 54%
NORM COLEMAN --------------------------- ----------------------------------- 56 538 24%
DEAN JOHNSON --------------------------- ----------------------------------- 48 262 67%
ROY TERWILLINGER--------------------------- ---------------------------------- 48 208 74%
overall n=702 OVERALL N=704 OVERALL ALL N=824
[DON'T KNOW/CAN'T JUDGE EXCLUDED FROM THE DETERMINATION OF THE MEAN]
1. - % THIS FIGURE REPRESENTS THE PERCENTAGE OF RESPONDENTS WHO SAID THEY COULDN'T JUDGE OR DIDN'T KNOW THE LISTED PERSON.
SCSU SURVEY "FEELING THERMOMETER"
RESULTS
Here's a different kind of question. Please
think of a thermometer that has a range of 0 to 100 degrees. Id like you to
rate your feelings toward some of our political leaders and other people who
are in the news. Ratings on the thermometer between 50 and 100 degrees mean
that you feel favorable and warm toward the person. Ratings between 0 and 50
mean that you don't feel too favorable toward the person. If we come to a
person whose name you don't recognize, you don't need to rate that person.
Just tell me and we'll move on to the next one. If you do recognize the name,
but don't feel particularly arm or cold toward the person, you would rate the
person at the 50 degree mark.
10/97
% CAN’T JUDGE1
MEAN
N DON’T KNOW DEMS. REPS. OUTSTATE 7 COUNTY METRO
HUBERT H.
HUMPHREY III 58
515 12% 65 51 59 57
ARNE CARLSON 53
564 4% 49 59 51 55
JOANNE BENSON 52 301 48% 49 55 52 51
PAUL
WELLSTONE 47
561 5% 62 30 47 47
BILL CLINTON 52
580 2% 68 34 52 53
ROD GRAMS 47
489 16% 43
56 49 45
NEWT GINGRICH 35
544 7% 26 52 36 34
ALLEN QUIST 42
302 44% 38
47 45 36
TED MONDALE 51
396 32% 54
46 51 50
MARK DAYTON 48
380 33% 53 43 49 48
MIKE FREEMAN 52
250 56% 56 45 52 52
NORM COLEMAN 59
375 35% 53 65 54 62
DEAN JOHNSON 50
194 60% 50 47 51 49
TIM PAWLENTY 47
113 78% 41 53 46 56
ROY TERWILLINGER 49 139 74% 44
51
overall
n=602
[DON'T KNOW/CAN'T JUDGE EXCLUDED FROM THE
DETERMINATION OF THE MEAN]
1= % THIS FIGURE REPRESENTS THE PERCENTAGE OF
RESPONDENTS WHO SAID THEY COULDN'T JUDGE OR DIDN'T KNOW THE LISTED PERSON.
SCSU SURVEY "FEELING THERMOMETER"
RESULTS 12/99
Here's a different kind of question. Please
think of a thermometer that has a range of 0 to 100 degrees. Id like you to
rate your feelings toward some of our political leaders and other people who
are in the news. Ratings on the thermometer between 50 and 100 degrees mean
that you feel favorable and warm toward the person. Ratings between 0 and 50
mean that you don't feel too favorable toward the person. If we come to a
person whose name you don't recognize, you don't need to rate that
person. Just tell me and we'll move on to the next one. If you do recognize the
name, but don't feel particularly arm or cold toward the person, you would rate
the person at the 50 degree mark.
|
|
10/97 |
|
% CAN’T JUDGE |
10/98 |
|
% CAN’T JUDGE |
12/99 |
|
% CAN’T JUDGE |
|
|
MEAN |
N |
DON’T KNOW |
MEAN |
N |
DON’T KNOW |
MEAN |
N |
DON’T KNOW |
HUBERT H.
HUMPHREY III 58 515 12% 51 565 8
ARNE CARLSON 53 564 4% 57 595 5
JOANNE BENSON52 301 48%
PAUL
WELLSTONE 47
561 5% 50 578 5 50 545 4
BILL CLINTON 52
580 2% 46 613 1 45 596 .5
ROD GRAMS 47
489 16% 47
467 26 46
456 23
NEWT GINGRICH 35 544 7% 39 569 10
HILLARY CLINTON 57 605 1 47 581 1
ALLEN QUIST 42
302 44%
TED MONDALE 51
396 32%
MARK DAYTON 48
380 33%
MIKE FREEMAN 52
250 56%
NORM COLEMAN 59
375 35% 53 546 13 52 513 8
DEAN JOHNSON 50
194 60%
TIM PAWLENTY 47
113 78%
ROY TERWILLINGER 49 139 74%
JAMES GIBSON
48 90 84
S MILES
52 102 81
S KELLY
52 112 80
M CIRESI
47 118 74
D LILLEHAUG
52 175 69
T VENTURA
60 488 13
A GORE
49 593 5 47 568 2
J VENTURA
54 515 18 54 591 1
overall
n=602 overall
n=628 overall n =602
[DON'T KNOW/CAN'T JUDGE EXCLUDED FROM THE
DETERMINATION OF THE MEAN]
1= % THIS FIGURE REPRESENTS THE PERCENTAGE OF
RESPONDENTS WHO SAID THEY COULDN'T JUDGE OR DIDN'T KNOW THE LISTED PERSON.
ST. CLOUD STATE UNIVERSITY SURVEY
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATORS
DR. STEPHEN I. FRANK
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
319 BROWN HALL
320-255-4131
SFSURVEY@STCLOUDSTATE.EDU
DR. STEVEN C. WAGNER
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
318 BROWN HALL
320-654-5423
SWAGNER@STCLOUDSTATE.EDU
DR. MICHELLE KUKOLECA HAMMES
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
315 BROWN HALL
320-255-4130
MHAMMES@STCLOUDSTATE.EDU
Drs. Frank, Wagner and Kukoleca hammes
are members of the Midwest Association of
Public Opinion Research (MAPOR) and the American Association
of Public Opinion Research (aapor) and subscribe to the code of Ethics of the
AAPOR.
SCSU
SURVEY HOMEPAGE: HTTP://TIGGER.STCLOUD.MSUS.EDU/SCSUSURVEY